THE Tories look set to establish a comfortable dominance in Parliament for the next five years on June 8.

The latest polling data analysis I have seen suggests the party could command a majority of more than 100, with most of its new seats taken from a muddled, derided and tactically outmanoeuvred Labour Party.

In fact, the Conservative leadership, whatever one’s views on its policies, ought to be credited with some impressive political achievements over the past year, in as much as such things are impressive.

Firstly, Theresa May has cemented her party’s appeal to voters on both fringes of the elusive centre ground.

There is little doubt Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has done great damage to the perception of Labour among some electorally significant parts of the population, particularly skilled manual labourers and tradesmen, turned off by what is perceived as an excessive focus on state welfare and fears of a rise in taxation.

Many of these voters flocked to the Tories under Margaret Thatcher, motivated particularly by her policies on home ownership, and they are likely to do the same again with Mrs May.

As far as Brexit is concerned, while Mr Corbyn is quite possibly every bit as hostile to the UK’s EU membership in private as he was throughout his lengthy backbench career, it was always its free market aspects he opposed, not its aspirations towards internationalism. So, if you will forgive the generalisation, more or less the opposite view to the average skilled worker.

Theresa May aligned herself well during the leadership campaign, her less than enthusiastic support for Remain during the referendum campaign was a low risk strategy leaving her uncompromised by its failure, and she has been quick to stress that the result of the vote will be enacted - Brexit means Brexit - while Labour has struggled to present a consistent picture of their views on the matter.

Labour is not viewed as a Eurosceptic party, but there is widespread support for Brexit among its regular voters.

Mr Corbyn’s support for Article 50 will be too much for many metropolitan Remain voters to forgive, and the Liberal Democrats with their clear call for a second referendum once the Brexit deal is struck will likely be the beneficiary.

They are likely to do pretty well in June, and could take back a number of the seats they lost to the Tories at the 2015 election.

For them, this will be a victory compared with that harrowing day, won by targeting Remainer constituencies, although it is unlikely to see them pick up many Labour seats. Their threat to Mr Corbyn lies in splitting the non-Tory vote in close northern constituencies.

The Conservatives have also continued their tendency over the past few years to float what TV satire The Thick of It might call ‘policy flavours’, such as the much criticised suggestion last year that companies should record their foreign workers.

This was a low risk move again, since many of those appalled by this would never vote Tory anyway, and others would be appeased by its withdrawal. Meanwhile, it might have been enough to convince UKIP voters that the Tories were thinking along the right lines, now that that party’s raison d’être is less apparent.

Mrs May has also shown a deft hand in the early stages of her negotiations with Brussels.

Staking out a claim for hard Brexit at an early stage appears not to have worried business leaders unduly, perhaps because they suspect it is a bluff. Politically it will suit her to frame her pitch as a rejection of the single market and yet seek a similar deal under a different name, perhaps by direct negotiation with EU leaders.

After June, the Tory party could end up with a vast majority during a time of substantial political change, which will no doubt satisfy Mrs May, but the task ahead of her remains vast.